Far from condemning daytime television as a “distraction”
for American women in 1950s, Tania Modleski argues that it was in fact a woman
(wife, mother)’s role to be distracted and distractible, and that television simultaneously enforced that
state of distraction, reflected it back, monetized it, and engaged with it to
elicit pleasure. To the latter, Modleski re-contextualizes television not as escapism, but as a force which extends the woman’s world, creating
intimacy and pleasure while reinforcing the limiting paradox of their social
identity—switching instantly from “bedmaking, dishwashing automaton to a large
sympathizing consciousness” (72).
Modleski argues that soap operas, in their ceaseless
deferment of resolution, do not offer the possibility of success but keep women
in a state of “decentered-ness” (through close-ups, they focus women’s
attentions on reading others’ needs/emotions and through commercial/narrative
breaks, they mirror a state of interruption). The female audience’s pleasure
then is one of “nearness” rather than identification: it provides an “extension
of their world,” a sense of camaraderie and social investment,
but ultimately (as I see it) no agency—no opportunity or impetus to “become,”
relegating women to the eternal service of others.
Similar to the use of humor in situation comedies discussed
by Patricia Mellencamp (Situation Comedy,
Feminism, and Freud), pleasure in Modleski’s reading can be read as a reification of woman’s existence for the benefit of
others. Like Freud's humor, pleasure in the soap opera allows
the fulfillment of the ego through the sublimation or deferment of inner conflict
(Mellencamp calls humor the substitute of affect; I would call soap operas the
substitute of agency). As Mellencamp says, the female spectator and performer
are interchangeable—the “containment” created by the situation comedy echoed a
larger policy of containment on political as well as domestic fronts. Together
with Modleski’s idea that the pleasure created by soap operas is one of
“nearness,” one might say that the pleasure experienced by the female spectator
is derived from the feeling that—whatever realm she may occupy—she is not
alone.
This is an interesting designation that I am now considering
in the context of contemporary “women’s” television programs. While many recent
programs have targeted intimacy between women as a “new” mode of
central storytelling, I wonder which of these actually allow agency
and affect instead of substituting it. In network programs directed toward
women such as Pretty Little Liars
(ABC Family), Desperate Housewives
(ABC Family), Gossip Girl (CW), and Reign (CW), a woman’s agency is often
interrogated; however, these shows mimic soap operas in the sense that
resolution is constantly deferred, storylines are constantly shifting, and characters’ reactions/conversations take priority over continuity. Audiences
often stop tuning in for story continuity and begin to see the characters as
friends—each of these shows features an ensemble cast of gorgeous women (and
their gorgeous male partners), each distinct and fashionable (and marketable) in their own way. Viewers are encouraged to identify: if you don’t resonate with bohemian Serena, you might see yourself as a Blair
(remember the Team Serena/Blair split)? If you’re sick of Felicity Huffman’s
story, you can tune in for Eva Longoria’s.
Distinct from the soaps of the past, is there a nearness
here, as well as identification? The rise of internet technologies means audience members can access the lifestyle of the stars more easily than ever
before. Watching
is anything but idle—viewing parties, episode breakdowns, and live tweet-alongs
are commom. This strong participation isn’t built upon the shows’ prestige or
quality, but on fans’ labor and devotion; in other words, fans are central. It seems that fans continue to experience intense closeness ("not alone-ness") with characters, but also that viewers are enacting agency rather than enforcing limits through their watching.
I ask: Are these programs continuing to entrap women within the
objectification and capitalist consumerism that drives hegemony and limits agency?
Or is the emergence of fan studies a sign that new forms of engagement between
women onscreen and women in the audience are interpellating women to "become" rather than "substitute?
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ReplyDeleteHi Cheny!
ReplyDeleteI’m also interested in Modleski’s idea of “nearness” to describe the relations between spectator and characters in the case of soap opera (where the spectator “does not become the characters, but rather relates to them as intimates, as extensions of her world”) (69). I’m curious do you think if this kind of spectatorship also holds true in other kinds of television? For example, to some degree this spectatorship also holds true in the case of family sitcoms. In family sitcoms, female spectators also easily relate themselves to women in the shows; and through these “extensions of her world”, they come to understand their own positions and roles in the family. Another question is, can we really divide the “nearness" process and the "identification" process in spectatorship clearly? Is nearness part of the identification process?
Hi Cheny!
ReplyDeleteI’m also interested in Modleski’s idea of “nearness” to describe the relations between spectator and characters in the case of soap opera (where the spectator “does not become the characters, but rather relates to them as intimates, as extensions of her world”) (69). I’m curious do you think if this kind of spectatorship also holds true in other kinds of television? For example, to some degree this spectatorship also holds true in the case of family sitcoms. In family sitcoms, female spectators also easily relate themselves to women in the shows; and through these “extensions of her world”, they come to understand their own positions and roles in the family. Another question is, can we really divide the “nearness" process and the "identification" process in spectatorship clearly? Is nearness part of the identification process?